New Landscapes : gated housing estates in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area

In this preliminary chapter, we analyse the two dimen¬ sions we believe hold greatest relevance to the gated housing estate phenomenon in general and which contribute most to studying its social production. Firstly, we interpret the phenomenon as a specific socio-spatial form with a defined physical morphology and with specific social characteristics, causes and possible effects. Secondly, we stress the fact that gated housing estates are generally a real estate product, a commod¬ ity and the direct outcome of the real estate market structure and its dynamics. Even if there is documen¬ tation of gated housing estates not built by developers, but rather resulting from the outcome of collective action by residents, as is the case of «security zone» gated communities referred to by Blakely & Snyder (1997) for the USA or by Carvalho (2001) for S. Paulo, Brazil, it should be noted that these cases seem to be less frequent in Portugal (no significant incidence has been identified), and to have very different social characteristics and significance. Besides other aspects, these «socially emerging» gated housing estates have poor and lower class inhabitants, and the discussions of governance and Community always present on the gated housing estate research agenda surely cannot be posed in the same way for residential areas already existing as for those built from Scratch.

New Landscapes: gated housing estates in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area Rita Raposo, Lisbon 1 A preliminary analysis of the gated housing estate phenomenon In this preliminary chapter, we analyse the two dimen¬ sions we believe hold greatest relevance to the gated housing estate phenomenon in general and which contribute most to studying its social production.Firstly, we interpret the phenomenon as a specific socio-spa- tial form with a defined physical morphology and with specific social characteristics, causes and possible effects.Secondly, we stress the fact that gated housing estates are generally a real estate product, a commod¬ ity and the direct outcome of the real estate market structure and its dynamics.Even if there is documen¬ tation of gated housing estates not built by developers, but rather resulting from the outcome of collective action by residents, as is the case of «security zone» gated communities referred to by Blakely & Snyder  (1997) for the USA or by Carvalho (2001) for S.
Paulo, Brazil, it should be noted that these cases seem to be less frequent in Portugal (no significant incidence has been identified), and to have very different social characteristics and significance.Besides other aspects, these «socially emerging» gated housing estates have poor and lower class inhabitants, and the discussions of governance and Community always present on the gated housing estate research agenda surely cannot be posed in the same way for residential areas already existing as for those built from Scratch.
As a unique socio-spatial form, the phenomenon can broadly be interpreted as a form of segregation as it translates into space already existing social boundaries.It can be distinguished from other known forms of segregation through the unique association of two traits: 1) the use of physical-architectural barriers and 2) its voluntary character.The gated housing estates use a specific «method» to obtain the spatial consecration of social inequality -«architectural policing» (Davis 1990) -and in this case the method is not applied to a «territory of rejection» (Vieillard-Baron 1996) nor to an «involuntarily defined popu¬ lation group held to be, and treated, as inferior by the dominant society» (Marcuse 1997: 232) as hap- pens in the case of the ghetto.Instead, gated housing estate inhabitants are typically middle and upper-middle class.At least in Portugal, the upper-class is not as affected by this form of housing.Due to their greater liberty of choice they seem to prefer more «individualistic» housing Solutions.
As real estate products, gated housing estates are commodities and as such space and society are engineered to create a sellable product.This is particularly impor¬ tant in explaining their social production.Firstly, this is due to the pereeption that gated housing estates are mostly driven by the supply side of the real estate market.Even if the broader social, economic, institu¬ tional, spatial, political and cultural context produces a framework propitious to this product's success, the direct role of the real estate development sector cannot be dismissed.Secondly, the gated housing estate prod¬ uct is heavily subject to a logic of aestheticisation that especially today, dominates the production, circulation and consumption of economic goods (Lash & Urry 1994).That seems part of its easily transferable success.
Usually, gated housing estates contain an important intrinsically embodied component of sign-value or image.This symbolic content is conveyed through plan¬ ning, architecture, landscaping and other methods and emphasised by its marketing throughout the promotion phase.The rest is completed by consumers whose aspirations match the symbolic images on sale.Given the material form of gated housing estates, their physi¬ cal Separation, enclosure and self-contention, and the central place that home and habitat oecupy within it, they constitute the ideal terrain for the use of several symbolic images that simultaneously represent both social segregation and social identity.In fact, they are usually presented as separated realities in both physi¬ cal and symbolic terms.Gated housing estates not only bring about physical segregation and control but also symbolically reconstruet reality in order to ensure the same practical result.
The gated commodified utopias or paradises that have mushroomed across the Lisbon Metropolitan Area for almost two decades used to represent an absolute novelty in Portugal.In fact, there is no trace of any similar previous socio-spatial form or any that could preclude it in any way.Clearly, this is an import of recent years, as probably was the case in most countries and regions around the world.It is not easy to determine the exaet path that the introduction of gated communities took in each case, the Portuguese Situation being no exception.The most obvious approach is to look back in history to ascertain the origins of this form of settle¬ ment and to define a typical set of prevailing social factors.Most probably, the gated housing estate phe¬ nomenon first appeared in the Anglo-American world more than two centuries ago, and was re-created in the United States during the last Century.From there, it was exported to the rest of the world through the set of forces known as globalisation, that, while absent at the time of its first appearance, now seem to make it able to travel long distances.
If we take the formal and social characteristics of gated housing estates as our reference, the search for its histor¬ ical origins first leads us to a specific time-space-society context, that is, to a transitional, recent-modern, bourgeois, and liberal capitalist, Anglo-American world.Two different but sequenced and socially connected residen¬ tial forms seem to form part of this first version.The more pristine of these forms is the British residential Square or, better, its enclosed and gated version that appeared in London in the mid-18lh Century and was exported to the USA a few decades later (Lawrence 1993).The second is represented by the planned Anglo- Two aspects of this history are of particular relevance.Firstly, it should be noted that probably from the beginning, and surely since the romantic suburb form, gated housing estates have simultaneously been a unique form of segregation, enforced both practically and symbolically, and a commodity, an established commercial formula driven by real estate developers, able to be replicated wherever social conditions create the opportunity (Fishman 1987).Secondly, and also from its outset, gated housing estates seem to require the presence of a typical set of social factors key to determining their appearance.In fact, if we compare the first and the second editions of the phenomenon we can find several contextual similarities, despite the fact that space and society have changed a lot since then and that the actual geography of the phenomenon is much more diversified and ample (for more specific references, see Raposo 2002).We believe it should not be taken as incidental that the second edition of the phenomenon started in the USA nor that it once again happened at a time of rapid, deep social and spatial change, and even of epochal transition.
It seems legitimate to establish a parallel between a period that witnessed the passage of traditional soci¬ ety to modernity and a period that saw the arrival of post-fordism and post-modernity.In both periods, the social structure and the culture of many cities underwent deep and rapid changes, revolutionising their space.The formation of new classes or social groups, the development of new class relationships and class dynamics seem typical of both moments.In particu¬ lar, the importance of phenomena like growing class or social group tensions as well as social Polarisation, including the rapid upward social mobility of certain sections ofthe population with a simultaneous increase of poverty should be stressed.In cultural terms, or more exactly in terms of the «mental life» of the metropolis in both moments, it is worth stressing the importance of «civilisation fears», of feelings (more or less realistic) of insecurity, of losing control over habitual space and society, and the search for identity, Com¬ munity and roots in general.
But it should be noted that both the first and the second editions of the phenomenon also appear to be associated with other kinds of social conditions, i.e., with a set of factors that seem to have no special rela¬ tion to any epochal transition nor to an equivalent set of described factors, but that, instead, seem related to specific, local cultural and political conditions.«Strong market, weak State» (an expression used by Peixoto in 2002 with reference to the analysis of another Por- tuguese social issue) suitably expresses in a nutshell a Situation where privatism and real estate agency freedom and scope of action have the overhand, superimposing public initiative and control over space and, as such, over society.In fact, gated housing estates seem to flourish and generally do better where one can observe the absence, the failure or the abstention of State Intervention in the regulation of space and in the provision of public goods.That clearly happened at the time of the first edition of the phenomenon and it appears to be happening again today.As such, all of these observations may help us to understand not only why Anglo-American cities were the unique platform for the first edition of gated housing estates but also why this phenomenon has again been able to take foot in society today worldwide, including in Portugal.
eral developments and conducted in-depth interviews with key participants such as real estate agents (developers, Consulting agents and sales agents), develop¬ ment administrators, municipal Council technical per- sonnel, architects and legal experts?
For the LMA gated housing estate census, we were dependent on specific methodological procedures both for identifying the developments and for the gathering information as there is no public or private Portuguese Institution able to provide that kind of information, including national Statistical agencies and the munici¬ pal authorities.(1998   and 1999).This cross-referencing confirmed that the advertisement Observation in the main weekly Portu¬ guese newspaper was indeed a very good source of information for the census.Of course, one should keep in mind that the efficacy of the procedure selected is not optimal, and that other gated housing estates may have been built in the area during this period, perhaps very small scale developments targeting very local markets, and thus were not publicised in the press.
For the process of gathering information on these advertised developments, we also had to resort to other sources and procedures.In fact, newspaper advertise¬ ments do not usually provide all the required infor¬ mation, even if they have the specific advantage of indicating the time the product went on sale and of containing promotional details such as texts and images.For collecting additional information, we relied on in situ Visits, interviews, consultation of municipal elements regarding subdivision and individual con¬ struetion processes, and, finally, on telephone enquiries to the developments' real estate agents (developers, builders or sales agents).For the processing of all information designated for the database, we used Sys¬ teme Pour FAnalyse des Donnees (SPAD).JTie data was analysed as follows: 1) a simple descriptive char- acterisation; 2) a development typology, based on an analysis of multiple correspondences; 3) and a content analysis of promotional texts.
For the survey of condominios fechados or gated hous¬ ing estates of the Lisbon Metropolitan Area an oper¬ ational definition of the phenomenon had to be con- strueted.We defined it as a residential form that may include several practical housing Solutions (apartment blocks, individual houses, or a mix of both), and that incorporates the following traits: 1) private (or privatised) amenities for collective use (swimming-pools, gardens and parks, streets, tennis courts, golf courses etc.); 2) perimeter impermeability and access control (Luymes 1997); 3) collective private property (or privatised access) of open space corresponding to phys¬ ical support for amenities.There was a need to differentiate between private and privatised, relating to amenities and open space in order to better categorise the gated residential forms found in the LMA.We identified at least four situations, three of them corre¬ sponding to big, master-planned gated housing estates, that were built anew as walled and gated estates but that, at the same time, retained within public Spaces, such as streets and green Spaces.It means that even if the entire developed space (always a subdivision) is, from its outset, totally enclosed and impermeable (with walls or fences, and gates and entrance controls), the Spaces within that are not private housing or equipment lots remain public property.
3 Gated housing estates in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area The Lisbon Metropolitan Area has nineteen munici¬ palities over its 3,122 square kilometres, and approxi¬ mately 2.5 million inhabitants.For the aforementioned period, we identified a total of 97 newly developed gated housing estates in the LMA, distributed across just ten municipalities.Furthermore, from the begin- ning of 2000 and at least through to the end of 2001, the phenomenon was increasingly populär, spreading to other LMA municipalities.Tliose two years corre- spond to the second phase of a positive cycle in the Portuguese real estate market.Starting in 1998, the property boom parallels a phase when condominios fechados became quite a common and even fashionable real estate product in Portugal.
Of the 97 developments we identified across the LMA for the period defined above, only 10 were built prior to 1990, and all of these were small scale developments covering less than 5 heetares each.In the following three years, a further 27 new developments were built in the LMA, including the first large scale and master- planned gated housing estate -the Quinta da Marinha launched in 1991 with 168 heetares and 318 housing units (the other big and medium size developments located in LMA are: the Quinta do Peru, launched in 1993, with 133 heetares and 250 housing units; the Quinta do Picäo, launched in 1994, with 30 heetares and just 30 housing units; the Quinta da Beloura, launched in 1994, with 175 heetares and 1,586 housing  number of housing units, the type of amenities and the form of security used.In fact, if we only take the variable number of housing units and compare just the small size developments, we notice that the developments ränge from 20 units to 300 units each.Through Statistical analysis of multiple correspondences, it was possible to identify three distinct classes of gated estate developments in the LMA.Briefly, the first class, of 72 cases, is characteristically a class composed of apartment building developments of between 21 and 50 apartments or between 101 and 200 apartments.The estates cover 5 heetares or less and they lack more exclusive amenities, such as golf courses, tennis courts or clubhouses (in both this and the second class of gated estates, the most frequent amenities available are swimming-pools and gardens).
The second class is characterised by developments with individual houses and less than 50 units. 18of the estates fitted into this category.Finally, the 7 major master-planned gated housing estates in the LMA form their own gated estate category.Here, the ränge of amenities, the number of housing units, the area and the mixed housing character are important.Interestingly, the publicity material of all of the developments in the survey proved to not make any significant con¬ tribution to the analysis due to their similarity, despite the real differences of the developments being pro¬ moted.
units; the Herdade da Aroeira with 345 heetares and 1,633 housing units, the Belas Clube de Campo with 133 heetares and 994 housing units, the Montado with 100 heetares and 329 housing units, the Quinta da Penha Longa with 220 heetares and 200 units, and the Casas de Azeitäo with 16 heetares and 243 housing units, all launched in 1995; the Quinta Patino launched in 1996, with 46 heetares and 142 units).Over the next 5 years, the real estate market experienced a slump with the growth rate of this particular residential form also declining.Indeed, only 28 new gated housing estates were built during those years.Finally, in the last two years of the surveyed period (1998-1999), the real estate market recovered due to a very posi¬ tive macro-economic conjuneture and significant and steady decreases in mortgage interest rates.During those two years a further 32 new developments were built in the LMA.
The LMA gated housing estates in the survey are by no means homogeneous; the differences in structural characteristics being very high (Photo 1).Of the 97 estates investigated, only 10 cover an area larger than 5 heetares.Further obvious differences concern the Generally, the normal images on sale are of places where society, space, and time are bestowed with qualities beyond the norm.Society is usually presented as a world where social relations and social life are warm, authentic and moral as is idealistically conjured up by the very idea of Community (Tönnies 1979), but where, simultaneously, all are respectful of individual and family privaey and of rational neighbouring.This is as recommended by the very logic of the contractual association of socially alike but independent individu¬ als.Space is represented as safe, controlled, ordered and beautified, as a landscape expurgated of its dark side (Barrell 1980) or as W.J.T. Mitchell (1994) will put it, a real estate that became an ideal estate.Finally, time is a promise of a bright and new future, perfect for starting all over while also nostalgic of a past -a great part of gated housing estates have embodied in them¬ selves and extol in their publicity explicit references to noble, distinct or aristoeratie worlds.Examples of such texts, taken from the promotional brochures of two gated housing estates illustrated in figures 1 and 2.
In connection with the spatial distribution of these LMA gated housing estates, it is worth mentioning that the municipalities of Cascais, Oeiras and Lisbon, M^t-'T^'/ &y/%4*^0 Within the t/ecurity of this private imlkd e,itate, exteiiding over 4b hectaru (114 am\i) of mature püu forest, purclm.vr,<have the chatte of selection from: 91 individual villa ploto »ith areaj varying from 1.100 to 6A00m' (0,27 to 1,6 acreo); Excerpts from the promotional brochure of the master-planned condominio fechado Quinta Patino Extraits de la brochure publicitaire du «masterplan» du «condominio fechado» Quinta Patino Auszüge der Werbebroschüre des Masterplanes des «condominio fechado» Quinta Patino forming a continuum along the northern bank of the river Tagus, are home to 43, 7, and 23 developments respectively.The developments in these municipali¬ ties alone aecount for 73 of the cases investigated.
The Lisbon-Oeiras-Cascais axis, usually referred to as the «Linha de Cascais» is according to the Instituto Nacional de Estatistica (INE) (1999) and Salgueiro (1997) the most affluent and most socially favoured residential area in LMA.This axis has a traditional aura of prestige related to both its landscape qualities and its image of affluence, cosmopolitanism and social distinetiveness.Following the same logic, the con¬ dominios fechados inside Lisbon are located either in old, Consolidated and prestigious areas of the city, or in its new or expanding areas.In the latter case, the social images of the development areas are still «under con¬ struetion».ä/W^¦ ¦¦¦* ^' ;ooooo:.o:oOo.V Fig. 2: Excerpts from the promotional brochure of the master-planned condominio fechado Quinta do Peru Extraits de la brochure publicitaire du «masterplan» du «condominio fechado» Quinta do Peru Auszüge aus der Werbebroschüre des Masterplans des «condominio fechado» Quinta do Peru these areas are a definite plus for their potential asso- ciation with affluence and modernity.
Clearly, gated housing estates both across the LMA and inside Lisbon are preferentially located in more affluent.expensive and prestigious sites consistent with their targeting of the middle and upper-middle classes.As such, they seem to enforce pre-existing segregation patterns inside Lisbon and, in more general terms (as the scale changes).in its metropolitan region.However, it should be noted that Lisbon like other Mediterranean metropolises has comparatively lower levels of socio-ethnic seg¬ regation and functional differentiation than North Euro¬ pean metropolises (Salgueiro 1997), «due to the late development of industrial capitalism, and of a formal urban planning culture» (Malheiros 2002:115).At the same time.«the relative exceptionalism of urban regulations» results in the «cities of the South and their suburban extensions displaying more <disorganised> patterns.in both urban and social terms» (idem).As such, gated housing estates seem to provide an additional barrier against a territory that may be experienced as «insuffi- ciently» socially clustered and separated.
In the study and analysis of agents involved in the social production of LMA gated housing estates we focused mainly on developers and estate agents, along with national bodies.especially in connection with their roles as the legislative and political-administrative authority at the municipal level.Regarding these agents and their relevant characteristics and attitudes, some aspects deserve emphasising.The interviews and the observations made in connection with the evolu¬ tion and dynamics of the LMA real estate market, and its relation to the processes of introduction and expan¬ sion of this specific product.confirmed the importance of the supply side for this market.Of course.the existence of a potential demand for a product is also impor¬ tant; with regards to gated developments.this has been the case in Portugal in recent years.
Over the last two decades, certain Segments of the middle and upper-middle classes (managers, senior executives, technicians, and scientific and intellectual Professionals) have experienced relative growth, these groups by the end of the last decade accounting for around 10% of the active population (Peixoto 1999).Ulis reveals the growing importance of academic qualifications in Portuguese social mobility processes (Estanque & Mendes 1997) and is associated with the profound and rapid economic and social changes that Portugal experienced during those years, including the restructuring of productive, social and spatial struc¬ tures.These same processes however, were also respon¬ sible for growing poverty, social exclusion (Capucha 1998) and social Polarisation (Gaspar et al. 1998), in particular in the LMA.As mentioned before, Portu¬ gal may be described as a semi-peripheral country that experienced modernity relatively late and which throughout the last twenty years has been subject to social and spatial changes associated with post-modern and post-fordist trends.
It is highly probable that the main clients of gated hous¬ ing estates stem from the privileged socio-economic segments of society described above.This assumption was given further flesh by both the interviews con- ducted and observations made (specifically, the type of lifestyle offered, the social image and values pre¬ sented).Further, the prices asked are usually much higher than those of non-gated alternatives.JTie deci¬ sion for these target groups to move to such areas could also lie in their pereeption of residential areas elsewhere in the metropolis being disorganised and generally insecure.This pereeption results not only from those factors referred to but also from a per¬ sistent deficit in public planning, space regulation and provision of public goods further increasing distrust in public institutions.JTiis same factor also seems to encourage the search for interpersonal relations of confidence in the form of socially alike groups and the adherence to private provision schemes that commod¬ ity habitat and even, in a certain sense, local government.
As to the agents making up the supply side, we should note that they are mainly developers with significantly different profiles.Part reflect the main trends in the Portuguese real estate market of the last twenty years, such as increasing specialisation, professionalisation (Salgueiro 1994), modernisation and product diver- sification.However, other developers have retained the traditional business form, that of the small fam- ily-owned building firm.This kind of developer is usu¬ ally connected to the very small scale developments and is not usually active within Lisbon's municipal boundaries where land prices and the nature of the market serve as a deterrent to small scale developers.
Such firms are more at ease in suburban municipalities where they usually face a much more favourable eco¬ nomic and institutional environment.
With regards the analysis of the attitude of public authorities towards condominios fechados, two main aspects are worth mentioning.Firstly, during the 1990's, new legislation came into force regulating both hori¬ zontal property (condominium law) and subdivision and building Operations, which clearly facilitated and even encouraged the spread of the gated housing phe¬ nomenon.Secondly, the attitude of municipal author¬ ities has also been generally very favourable.This is understandable given the advantages to be gained, such as revenue generated by authorising develop¬ ments, lesser demands on public goods and the prestige that especially the bigger developments are pereeived to bestow on municipalities due to their reputation as «quality projects».
Finally, there is other interesting data that may help us to understand how condominios fechados were imported into Portugal.There is evidence to suggest that condominios fechados made their way to Portu¬ gal via Brazil, where this form of residential area has been a reality since the 1980's (Caldeira 1996; Ribeiro   1997).For example, 16 of the 97 surveyed develop¬ ments were sold by a sales firm whose senior staff are all Brazilians.The key retail executive of the real estate division of the most important Portuguese busi¬ ness group involved in condominios fechados devel¬ opment is also Brazilian (responsible for 2 major and 1 medium sized development -2 in partnership with the Brazilian group that developed all of the wellknown Brazilian Alphaville developments).Further, two small projects were developed by two other Bra¬ zilian firms and another large scale development was undertaken by a firm owned by a Brazilian business- man who has been operating in Portugal for several years and who has also construeted similar develop¬ ments in the Algarve, on the south coast.

Conclusion
JTiis paper sought to interpret the gated housing estate phenomenon both as a specific form of segregation and as a real estate product and commodity.JTie focus on these two dimensions enabled us to investigate the temporal, spatial and social aspects of the selected case studies.JTie historical development of this form of residential area was also investigated in light of any clues the past could deliver for future developments of the phenomenon.In fact, the social factors and agents involved in the process seem to be specifically con¬ nected to the two dimensions mentioned above.We stressed how the phenomenon is usually related to contexts of deep change or crisis, with profound eco¬ nomic, social, cultural and spatial restructuring, ending up in social Polarisation and class or group tension, in climates of insecurity where control over space and society seems to slipping, and in the search for identity and Community.
The segregational aspect of gated housing estates is clearly linked with this set of factors.But it is also related to another aspect, that is to the presence of a «weak State», a State proving unable to provide public goods and general regulation of space and society.Under these conditions, the opportunity is created for the private initiative of the real estate sector, specifi¬ cally in the supply of a specific and complex real estate product targeting certain segments of the population.That product is more than a simple housing formula.
In fact, it engineers and commodifies space and soci¬ ety, in both physical and symbolic terms, thereby demonstrating the power and freedom of action the private sector is granted and on occasion even requested.
In Portugal, and specifically in the Lisbon Metropoli¬ tan Area, the phenomenon started cautiously in the 1980's, taking on a more significant scale during the 1990's.In the final year of that decade at least 97 developments came onto the market.JTie case studies investigated herein have clearly contrasting formal characteristics, thus enabling the Classification of three different development groups.As to their social pro¬ duction, we stressed the importance of the real estate industry agency, including a very probable and strong influence from Brazil. in addition to a more ample and complex set of factors specifically related to the social reality of Portugal and the LMA in recent decades.All the elements we identified as typical of the gated hous¬ ing estate phenomenon and of its social context are verifiable in the case of such developments in Lisbon.However, they also encompass specific and singular characteristics as is to be expected for all countries or regions in the world where this phenomenon occurs.
Summary: New Landscapes: gated housing estates in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area JTiis paper examines the main features of the social production process of condominios fechados across the Lisbon Metropolitan Area.This residential form first appeared in Portugal in the 1980's and spread quickly in the 1990's.TTie article opens with a preliminary analysis of the development of secured residential complexes, aimed at understanding its specificity and pinpointing the main factors involved in its social production.In this analysis, we do not focus on the Lisbon Metro¬ politan Area (LMA) alone but rather adopt a broader approach.In the second chapter we describe the research methods used, such as a survey of condominios fechados built in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area between  1985 and 1999, interviews with social actors and content analysis of promotional materials.Finally, we present selected research results and discuss several issues cen¬ tral to understanding the social production of gated housing estates in the LMA, including the importance of foreign modeis, the supply side agency of the real estate market, and the broader social context.
Dans cette analyse on n'envisage pas seulement le cas de FAML, mais on se livre ä une approche plus large.
Teaching of Geography -relevant questions -Which regions are the most probable historical origins of gated housing estates and how can the histor¬ ical dimension contribute to the overall explanation of the phenomenon?-Why does Portugal and the Metropolitan Area of Lisbon seem to be more receptive to the gated housing estates phenomenon than northern Euro¬ pean countries and regions?-Rethink the concept of segregation, and namely of modern segregation, in the face of the new transformations of space and society.

8
Fig.1: Excerpts from the promotional brochure of the master-planned condominio fechado Quinta Patino Extraits de la brochure publicitaire du «masterplan» du «condominio fechado» Quinta Patino Auszüge der Werbebroschüre des Masterplanes des «condominio fechado» Quinta Patino Tönnies, F. (1979): Comunidad y Asociaciön.-s.L: Ediciones Pem'nsula.Vieillard-Baron, H. (1996): Les Banlieues.-Paris: To carry out the identification process we resorted to the Observation of advertisements pub¬ lished in the Portuguese weekly newspaper Expresso throughout the 1985-1999 period.Besides the fact that this weekly newspaper has the highest profile and highest circulation numbers in Portugal, it is also the only newspaper whose pages extensively and regularly advertise real estate developments, especially those located in the LMA and in national tourism areas.To validate the procedure we regularly consulted other newspapers and the specialist real estate press and visited the first two Portuguese Real Estate Fairs Photo of the access gate of a small condominio fechado in Lisbon Photo de la protection d'unpetit «condominio fechado» ä Lisbonne Photo des Eingangstors eines kleinen «condominio fechado» in Lissabon Photo: R.